نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان

• حسن رجبی فرد ¹
• کریم سلیمانی ²

¹ دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران بعد از اسلام، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران

² دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی،ایران، تهران

چکیده

با سقوط رضاشاه در شهریور 1320، طبقۀ کارگر صنعتی که پیش‌ازاین در ایران شکل گرفته بود، مجالی برای ابراز مطالبات صنفی خود یافت. دراین‌بین احزاب سیاسی به‌خصوص حزب توده سعی کردند از این فضا استفاده کرده و به تبلیغ در میان طبقۀ کارگر بپردازند. آن‌ها در مدت کوتاهی توانستند امتیازات فراوانی از صاحبان صنایع و دولت بگیرند. در ابتدا تقی فداکار، سعی کرد اتحادیۀ کارگری را نهادی صنفی و به‌دوراز درگیری‏های سیاسی نگه دارد، اما با خروج وی از اصفهان، حزب توده از فعالیت‏های کارگری به‌عنوان ابزاری برای دستیابی به اهداف سیاسی و حذف رقبای خود استفاده کرد و مسیر مبارزات صنفی را به انحراف کشاند. این مقاله با روش تبیین عقلانی به بررسی مواجهۀ کارگران با اتحادیه‏ها خواهد پرداخت. یافته‏های مقاله نشان می‏دهد کنش سیاسی و صنفی این طبقه مبتنی بر نوعی آگاهی و درک طبقاتی بوده است و صرفاً به‌عنوان عامل اتحادیه‌ها و احزاب نبودند. از سوی دیگر تأکید حزب توده بر مسائل روز سیاسی باعث شد که طرف‌های مخالف با ایجاد تشکیلات موازی از قدرت اتحادیه‏های کارگری بکاهند و آن را از انسجام خارج سازند. نتیجۀ این روند فراموش‌شدن مطالبات صنفی در سایۀ فعالیت‌های سیاسی بود؛ امری که بیشترین زیان را متوجه کارگران اصفهان کرد.

کلیدواژه‌ها

• طبقۀ کارگر صنعتی
• اصفهان
• کنش سیاسی
• فعالیت صنفی
• اتحادیه‌های کارگری

موضوعات

• تاریخ اجتماعی

Extended Abstract:

Isfahan industrialization and the emergence of the working class

After the fall of Reza Shah, the political space opened up new spaces for the political activities of social groups and parties. One of the target groups that received much attention was the workers. During this period, political parties also opened the space for trade union activities. Taqi Fadakar and Moharram Ali Shamideh decided to form an independent union called the "Workers' Union." The union's manifesto shows that the workers initially thought only of fulfilling their trade union and economic demands and did not pursue any political goals.

Establishment of parallel unions

With the emergence of unions, there came to be a resistance by the government and the industrialists. They tried to prevent the unions from operating by establishing parallel unions. The policy of establishing parallels failed because none of these parties had a coherent agenda for political and social reform. The Isfahan Workers' Union was able to seize power from the traditional forces in the municipality and the National Assembly, relying on the workers' votes. Fadakar also won the parliamentary elections.

Taqi Fadakar's departure from Isfahan allowed the factory managers to put more pressure on workers. In December 1323, Shams Sadri, Ahmad Kafami, Hossein Sarafian, and Amirkivan founded the "Union of Workers, Craftsmen, and Peasants." The most crucial goal of the new union was not to follow a trade union ends but to confront the Tudeh Party. However, in 1324, the "Union of Workers, Craftsmen and Peasants" became the primary organization of and for workers in Isfahan.

The Qavam period was one of the most critical periods for the Tudeh Party and, consequently, the working class in Isfahan. With the establishment of the Democratic Party of Iran on July 29, 1325, things began to turn out differently. The Democratic Party confronted the Tudeh Party. The Tudeh Party union sign was taken down from all the factories. Pro-Tudeh unions also joined the Democratic Party.

The spread of the financial crisis caused by the factory recession also contributed to this situation. This process continued until the years close to the Coup. One significant consequence was a diversion in the workers' union agenda and mobilization. During this period, the most crucial feature of labor activity was the conflict between the unions and their leadership by the government. Government unions also split into two branches after the fall of the Tudeh Party, losing their effectiveness.

Conclusion

Based on a rational understanding of their situation, the workers of this period supported groups and movements that could act for and fulfill their rights. However, their attempts to form an independent trade union movement failed due to the involvement of political groups and the internal weakness of this class. This eventually prevented the formation of unions and independent movements that could represent the demands of the industrial working class in Isfahan.